"His work at Bain Capital reinforced his instinct to embrace the “creative destruction” model of the business world"
I know I've seen that term somewhere before (shudder).
"Romney followed rapid evolution as he aimed toward presidency; Like father, like son. Then, a shift to right" by Michael Kranish | Globe Staff, August 26, 2012
Mitt Romney, a gangly 17-year-old, looked neat and businesslike in his dark suit, white shirt, and narrow tie, with a badge on his lapel, as he took a seat at the 1964 Republican convention.
Back in his bullying days when he was dressing as a cop?!!
We already had this kind of Republican president the last time and things didn't turn out so good.
He watched his father, George, representing the party’s moderates, exhort the platform committee to adopt an amendment rejecting “extremists.” The effort failed, Barry Goldwater became the nominee and, as Mitt later recalled it, his father “walked out of the Republican convention.”
This week, 48 years later, Romney is walking into his own nominating convention as the Republican Party gathers in Tampa. But the story line has turned upside down. Mitt Romney isn’t the moderate voice seeking to rein in the extreme forces in the GOP; he has become, as he called himself earlier this year, a “severely conservative” man looking to win the complete trust of the dominant right of his party, the Goldwater wing of his day. It is as if winning requires purging a key element of his father’s political legacy. But an examination of the forces behind Romney’s striking shifts on key issues makes it clear it is much more than that.
Romney’s appearances at these two conventions are bookends of a sort, set on either side of a winding ideological path, framing questions that go to the heart of the Romney canon. Call it a reasoned and heartfelt evolution, as the candidate does, or flip-flopping and shape-shifting, as his opponents prefer to put it. The question is not whether Romney has changed his outlook over the years — he undeniably has — but why. It is an evolution that combines many elements of the Romney saga: the bonds and breaks between father and son; the question about whether he has core convictions; and his politically bloody fight with the party that finally is poised to anoint him as its leader.
For much of Romney’s political career, the effort to understand him has been seen as epilogue of his father’s quest, a redemption story in which the son strives to succeed where his father failed.
Everything, it often seems, has built to this moment in Tampa, and the nomination and acclamation his father never gained.
“To see your father basically assaulted” at the 1964 convention, “had to strike a powerful chord in Romney. That had to be absorbed into his heart and soul,” said Robert Goldberg, a biographer of Barry Goldwater who also has closely followed Romney’s career. “The question is: Why doesn’t that stick? How he escaped — that is another story.”
So what happened? How and why did the moderate Romney seek to redefine himself? And what does that say about the nominee in waiting, and the legacy of the family that shaped him?
**********************************
George Romney was already disliked by many of the party’s conservatives when he famously changed his mind about his support for the Vietnam War by declaring he had been given “the greatest brainwashing that anybody could get.”
If George were alive today he would be SUPPORTING RON PAUL!!!
It was a gaffe that undid him forever, politically.
Translation: you can't tell the truth in AmeriKan politics.
Mitt, in France at the time as a Mormon missionary, could only look on from a distance in dismay. But he defended his father’s change of heart then, and later even echoed his father’s phrasing when he spoke of the war: “I think we were brainwashed. If it wasn’t a blunder to move into Vietnam, I don’t know what is.”
It wasn't only a blunder, it was a mass-murdering war crime.
But he also learned from his father’s debacle....
His world outlook and personal style were honed during his years as a corporate consultant and leveraged buyout specialist, workheavy on analysis and closed-door discussion.
Related: Where Mitt Romney Learned Racism
Part of his world outlook.
His work at Bain Capital reinforced his instinct to embrace the “creative destruction” model of the business world -- that businesses come and go by the nature of things, and must be left to do so, with minimal government regulation....
And the empire must level nations and murder millions to "create."
How utterly sickening. No wonder the Repugs worked so hard to humanize.
Btw, the PHILOSOPHY DOES NOT APPLY to Wall Street BANKS!
In 1992, Mitt, who had given money to Democrats over the years, voted in the Democratic presidential primary for former Senator Paul Tsongas....
Mitt boasted that he had pulled a Democratic lever....
And the Repugs chose him as their nominee?
By the time Mitt began to ponder seeking the Senate seat held by Edward Kennedy, he was still registered as an independent. Finally, in late 1993, Romney changed his registration to Republican. But which type of Republican would he be? One in the moderate mold of his father, or in line with his adopted party’s increasingly powerful conservative wing? Romney chose the former, hoping to follow his father’s success at the state level by running as a liberal-to-moderate politician. Key to that calculus, of course, was that he was running against the nation’s most powerful liberal in perhaps the nation’s most liberal state.
The timing of Romney’s decision was crucial. When Romney announced his candidacy in February 1994, a conservative Republican revolution was underway in Washington. Newt Gingrich plotted an assault against the party’s moderate leadership, proposing a “Contract with America.” Gingrich’s strategy relied on casting Democrats as “pathetic” villains. Romney flatly opposed the Gingrich approach.
“It is not a good idea to go into a contract like what was organized by the Republican Party in Washington, laying out a whole series of things which the party said, ‘These are the things we’re going to do,’ ’’ Romney said at the time. “I think that’s a mistake.’’ Romney portrayed himself as a bipartisan pragmatist in his father’s mold, echoing his father’s famous letter to Goldwater. “If you want to get something done in Washington, you don’t end up picking teams with Republicans on one side and Democrats on the other,’’ he said. “I don’t like winners and losers in Washington. I’d rather say let’s get together and work together.’’
The strategy failed. Romney staked out moderate-to-liberal positions on issues like abortion and gay rights but lost to Kennedy and faced a deepening divide with the national party, which continued to move farther to the right. Eight years later, running for the governorship, Romney was still trying to capitalize on the distance between him and the national GOP, saying: “I think people recognize that I’m not a partisan Republican, that I’m someone who is moderate and my views are progressive.” This time, the strategy worked, and he was elected governor.
As governor, Romney, at least at the outset, stuck by this approach. He needed to find ways to work with the Democrat-controlled legislature. His record was liberal on social issues and largely pragmatic on many others. Asked if he would stand by his views in favor of abortion rights, he said, “I make an unequivocal answer: Yes.” He favored a system of trading credits for pollution emissions – known as cap-and-trade — to control global warming, writing that “I concur that climate change is beginning to [affect] . . . our natural resources and that now is the time to take action toward climate protection.” He backed an individual mandate to provide nearly universal health care. All of those positions were anathema to many conservatives, and he would in time change or modify his views on them.
From his standpoint, inside “Romney World” — as his political command center was known — there is an explanation for each recalibration of his views....
Why has Romney changed his views?
The most intriguing pair of investigators may be two of George Romney’s former top aides. Walter De Vries accompanied George to the 1964 convention and served as his political strategist, and Jonathan Moore went to Vietnam with George and served as his foreign policy adviser. The pair have talked for months with each other to try to understand what they consider to be Mitt’s position changes and distancing from his father’s views.
De Vries, asked how he thinks George would view Mitt’s positions today, responded: “He’d be horrified. And Mitt would hear from George about it. I can’t understand or comprehend it . . . I think a lot of people believe that secretly he is a moderate. I don’t believe that. The right, and particularly the radical right, is going to hold him to what he said.”
And they will be disappointed again as they have in the past, and just as liberals are now after four years of Obama. The agenda is already set, folks, and it is obvious to me that corporations and banks control the domestic sector while Israel calls the shots regarding U.S. foreign policy.
Moore is not quite as harsh, saying that George “would be very much taken with [Mitt’s] sense of loyalty, drive and competitiveness, very much taken with the prospect of his son winning the presidency. At the same time I think there would be regret. George Romney as a principle believed in belief. He believed in commitment.”
As a former director of Harvard’s Institute of Politics, Moore has studied the lives of countless politicians and dissected Romney’s evolving convictions in his conversations with De Vries. His conclusion: “Maybe he didn’t change. Maybe the key thing about Mitt is he is, as one of his Harvard Business School classmates has said, a ‘driven pragmatist,’ and he was being pragmatic before and now, and it doesn’t represent a strong philosophical shift because it wasn’t there to begin with.”
Others say Romney is simply a much different type of politician than his father or many other presidential candidates.
Where his father seemed to revel in the public argument and explanation of his views, Mitt often disdains it. One of the most telling remarks by Romney during this campaign year came when NBC-TV’s Matt Lauer challenged the candidate to explain his views on income disparities. Romney sounded defensive, interpreting the question as another attack on his wealth and privileged upbringing, and responded that the assaults amount to financial jealousy.
He ought to be.
“Are there no fair questions about the distribution of wealth without it being seen as envy, though?” Lauer asked.
“You know I think it’s fine to talk about those things in quiet rooms,” Romney responded. It was classic, cautious Romney. His boisterous, force-of-nature father might have considered the concept of a quiet room to be an oxymoron, but it is precisely how Mitt operated at Bain Capital and how he often sought to operate as governor.
As Romney prepares to accept the nomination this week, he is bound to look back to the lessons learned from his father in family, faith, and politics. Indeed, his acceptance speech would surprise if he did not speak of them. And as it turns out, the elder Romney did leave a lesson plan of sorts for this occasion, long before the son thought about running for the presidency.
It was April 1992, three years before George died, when he sat down for a little-noticed oral history interview in which he reeled off his thoughts about how to run for the presidency — thoughts that seem especially relevant to his son today.
“I never considered myself a moderate,” George said in a surprising comment reminiscent of Mitt’s own ability to reimagine his political outlook. George said he was conservative on economic issues and lamented the way candidates fail to provide detailed solutions.
“The campaigns deal with superficial things basically,” George said. “I see no prospect under the current political processes of our getting at such problems as the deficit and others before we have to reach almost a disaster.” The only way for that to change, he said, is for candidates to lay out tough measures that gain support before Election Day. Otherwise, George Romney warned, “they get elected and they can’t do anything about it.”
--more--"
Just following my instincts, readers.
